北京师范大学

               哲学与社会学学院

             college of philosophy and sociology

首页 学院概况 | 师资力量 | 机构设置 | 教学教务 | 科学研究 | 招生就业 | 红旗飘飘 | 精品课程 | 教学在线
   在线论文¨Democracy as a Way to Social Compromise
 

 

Forthcoming in Frontiers of Philosophy in China (2006) 1, the original publication will be available at www.springerlink.com

 

 

Democracy as a Way to Social Compromise

 

Han Zhen

 

Abstract In modern society, democracy as a symbol of social civilization and progress is cherished. Any government or organization, whether truly democratic or not, will claim that it is democratic while its opponents are not. However, as a historical notion, democracy does not possess the quality of absoluteness. In my view, democracy, in its original meaning, should be understood as a way to social compromise, whose aim is to guarantee a relatively fair political life.

 

Keywords democracy, compromise, historicity

 

 

The English word democracy is derived from the classical Greek word demokratia, which means people (demos) ruling (kratos). In its proper sense, democracy is not finished reality, but exists as potentiality. But, indeed, people are obviously acquiring more and more democratic rights. Thus considered, democracy is reality.

 

In modern society, democracy as a symbol of social civilization and progress is cherished. Any government or organization, whether truly democratic or not, will claim that it is democratic while its opponents are not. However, as a historical notion, democracy does not possess the quality of absoluteness. On one hand, in the past, democracy did not work as positively as today; on the other hand, in reality, democracy has never been fully realized and every community enjoys only limited democracy. From my point of view, democracy, in its original meaning, should be understood as a way to social compromise, whose aim is to guarantee a relatively fair political life. This conclusion gets some support from two western scholars.

 

In Western Political Theory in the Face of the Future, John Dunn proposed two forms of democracy: real democracy and ideal democracy. According to him, democracy itself is both a utopian ideal and a practical arrangement, although the two forms cannot really be embodied simultaneously in any political activity. In On Democracy, Robert Dahl reaches a similar conclusion. Dahl argues that democracy means something different for people situated in different times and places. For instance, in ancient Greece, democracy was only enjoyed by free men; in the early period of US political history, democratic rights were given only to white males in colonies; today, although all citizens have democratic rights in law, what they really have in political life, in fact, are voting rights.

 

However, there exist some differences between Dunn and Dahl as to the duality of democracy. Dunn is not so confident in the realization of democracy. He maintains that democracy cannot be fulfilled in a postindustrial society, in which citizens are far from fully enjoying the liberty and self-cultivation that ideal democracy promises to provide them. In his opinion, the best democratic system is no more than a way to supervise a rulers activities, while the worst democratic system is a meaningless daydream. Dahl is more optimistic than Dunn. He insists that democracy can be realized step by step. Historically speaking, democracy has been widening its fields. Poor women minorities are beginning to gain voting rights and have shared more rights to express their views. From Dahls perspective, ideal democracy performs as a standard by which real democracy can be compared and evaluated. The gap between ideal democracy and practical democracy will never be filled out, but, with peoples effort, it is expected to become narrower and narrower.

 

In my view, both Dunn and Dahl are extremists on democracy. I would like to stand between them. Dunn takes too pessimistic a view of democracy, for, in my opinion, we can achieve democracy to some degree. Dahl goes too far in his confidence on the realization of democracy. In my opinion, the ideal itself is always historically conditioned. Any ideal, if it goes too far from its historical conditions, will degenerate into an illusion. If the standard of the ideal consists in value judgments and the description of reality consists in empirical judgment, then value judgments should always be based on empirical judgments. A value judgment isolated from empirical judgments will be of no significance.

 

Hence, it follows that any form of democracy depends on historical conditions and, therefore, is not perpetual. Democracy is a compromise designed to balance interests among members of a community.

 

Firstly, from the perspective of ontology, human beings as a plurality are made up of many different individuals. It is the individuals, not the people as a whole, who think. Similarly, the subject that exerts power is not the people in general but the individuals. Power that is equally held by all individuals will no longer be called power.

 

Ideal democracy means that every individual should be respected. Such democracy, however, is impractical. It is impossible for all members in a community to reach a complete agreement, especially today when labor division and social structures are becoming more and more complex. In practical life, the tension between different interest groups always exists, so the balance or compromise of different interests is badly needed. After the compromise, a common understanding may be reached. Here, common understanding does not mean a complete agreement among all members, but refers to a compromise procedure that most members can accept. A complete agreement does not necessarily produce a good result, and it may give rise to the opposite of democracytotalitarianism or tyranny.

 

In political life, it is the number of votes that determines the ruler, who is usually in the majority or is the representative of the majority. Obviously, democracy should be authorized through the number of votes. But even after counting the votes, the compromise is still necessary; otherwise, the majority will degenerate democracy into majority dictatorship. The political elite is empowered by the majority, but they should not exert power only in the interest of that very majority. The group in power must be responsible for the minority as well. The interests of the minority must also be protected. Here, a compromise mechanism is needed. Any individual or any group in power without a sense of compromise tends to ignore the voices of different interest groups.

 

Secondly, a proper democracy must be able to help the individual transcend his isolated space to go into public life. Democratic politics should be a politics of presence, in which all members (or at least most of them) feel that they are present in the political life. Individuals authorizing their representatives to participate in politics, which is a typical form of compromise, can help achieve their sense of presence. Taking American politics as an example, its democracy is characterized by representatives from different interest groups participating in political decision making. The American Constitution is a text abounding with compromises. For instance, the lower house of the US Congress, in which the number of representatives of each state is decided by its population, and the upper house, to which two members are elected from each state, constitute the Great Compromise. It is through such compromise that American democracy makes steady progress.

 

Compromise itself is a historical notion and should be discussed under its historical circumstances. In the early developing period of modern democracy, what the people were most concerned with was the ruling class not offending their rights, rather than them actively participating in democracy. In feudal ages, democracy had something to do with struggles for power between the nobles and the emperor. As a result of struggles, a compromise procedure arose. With the development of capitalism in a feudal economy, the middle class was born in the city. From a long-term point of view, the feudal ruling class decided that the middle class should be taxed but cannot be overtaxed, so they compromised with the middle class on taxation policy. This was the starting point of modern democratization.

 

Thirdly, the vigor of democracy lies on its ability to tolerate dissenting opinions. People aspire for democracy not because it provides absolute agreement by eliminating differences, but because it can achieve compromise and harmony with differences. One of the most conspicuous distinctions between democracy and tyranny is that the former aims at protecting the state of differences while the latter tries to establish complete agreement by suppressing dissenting voices.

 

Different from some traditional theories of democracy that regard differences as obstacles in the way to realizing genuine democracy, some advocates of multiculturalism and feminism insist that the state of differences as an unavoidable phenomenon is what encourages people to strive for equality and democracy. In a sense, democracy means that people from different interest groups can freely express their voices and protect their own interests. Thus, democracy is an equal dialogue among different interest individuals or groups, and is ultimately a way to compromise.

 

Not only the democracy within a society but also international democracy and equality must be based on tolerating different voices. The world tends to become a multipoled one, in which each nation must compromise with others in dealing with international affairs. Whichever nation preaches its culture as the only civilized one, thereby imposing its value upon others, will surely be condemned.

 

Lastly, the development of democracy is an evolutionary process by compromise. In ancient Greece, democracy was a disgrace to some people, and it somewhat meant ruling by the cousins. Aristotle gave little credit to democracy and suggested that democracy is the worst among good polities, although the best among the worst ones. In fact, not until the French Revolution did democracy really become one of the key political ideas in the west. However, Jacobins terror and Napoleons military adventures caused many people to doubt democracy. In the USA, democrats were, for a time, damned by the people. It is with the progress of world history and the development of human civilization that democracy is beginning to be accepted by more and more people.

 

The ups and downs of democracy show that politics is not an either/or choice between tyranny and democracy, but a mutual molding process between political practice and its ideal. Today, the idea of democracy as the opposite of feudal thought has become deeply ingrained in our souls. It is no longer a utopian dream, but has been embodied in political systems all over the world. This is not to say that democracy has come to a satisfying ending. On the contrary, democracy still has a long way to go. But I am certain that democracy, through compromise, will lead to a brighter future.

 

The compromise alone is far from being democratic, since stable and credible proceedings are also necessary. In practical politics, decision-making tendency is usually determined according to vote number, so authoritative proceedings are needed to effectively guarantee the vote counting and authorizing process. If there are no sound proceedings, some opportunists might unconscionably alter some proceedings to achieve their own ends and, consequently, undermine the whole democratic system. It is by following the proceedings that the majority is empowered. Next, let me further explicate the necessity of the proceedings for democracy.

 

Firstly, the proceedings are likely to compel the government to make decisions in an orderly way, thereby avoiding radical or extreme actions that tend to cause political disasters. For some people, it is somewhat conservative, but it seems to me that it is a fairly reasonable way to deal with important political issues in an orderly way or through compromise, especially when considering that the world is full of uncertainties.

 

Secondly, proceedings can help protect the interests of the weak. Properly speaking, the poor have no obligation to obey their government if they have no rights to speak of. Thus, the weak must be given opportunities to voice their opinions, and their rights ought to be exercised through compromise or proceedings; otherwise, they might be deprived of all political rights by strong people in power.

 

Thirdly, the proceedings of compromise are likely to assure the liberty and rights of the minority. If the proceedings were absent, the minoritys culture and value would be damaged and they would fall victim to the majority, hence the tyranny of the majority. With the proceedings available, the majority may be compelled to make some concessions to the minority, and something like a common agreement can be reached.

 

Lastly, a democracy with credible proceedings is apt to be supported by as many people as possible, which is expected to produce a democratic atmosphere and social harmony. In political life, any law that is not supported by public opinion will lose its effect. If, for instance, a policy is supported by 90% and opposed by the other 10%, it is necessary for the policy maker to make a concession to the 10% to show respect to them. In other words, democracy should be a way to compromise, supported by proceedings or a system.

 

 

References

1. Dunn J., Western Political Theory in the Face of the Future, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979

2. Dahl R., On Democracy, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1999

3. Sartori G., The Theory of Democracy Revisited, Chatham, NJ: Chatham House Publishers, 1987

4. et al., The Changing Nature of Democracy (Chinese translation), Jilin: Jilin People Publishing House, 1999

5. Reeves R., Traveling with Tocqueville in Search of Democracy in America (Chinese translation), The Commercial Press, 1997

6. Russia, France and Germany do not want New-Yalta, Cankaoxiaoxi, 13 April 2003

 

 

 

 

2005© 北京师范大学哲学与社会学学院